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![]() Arts Attack What if the creative class governed?
"Jazz is a good metaphor for democracy," says Tom Tresser, lead
organizer for the Creative America Project. His Saturday morning
conference begins with poet Eileen Cherry Chander's rousing selection
from Langston Hughes' "Jesse B. Simple" stories, which suggests that
any good symposium needs an infusion of "jazz" and "jam." For its
part, this session's first act is punctuated with inadvertent bursts of
experimental noise. Mics feed back brutally. The Orange and Green Lines
rumble overhead. A few audience members, whom the free Dunkin Donuts
coffee hasn't fully awakened, give Tresser skeptical backtalk. At one
point, he leads us in a mumbling reading from the Declaration of
Independence. "Maybe we'll need some rehearsal," he quips.
But Tresser's a slick speaker. In his earlier days, he managed
Chicago's Pegasus Players and performed Shakespeare. When his PowerPoint
presentation gets off to a rickety start, he recites some classic
monologues as he clicks away at his laptop. Soon enough, his vision of
political power for the "creative class" gains steam. At his behest,
the crowd channels its pride and Bush-era frustration into hokey
slogans.
We get "Create a New USA." We get "Creativity Is American." We
get "We are ImagiNation," a favorite. We do not get "Create Change,"
the slogan for Columbia College, on the campus of which this talk takes
place. Many crabbier Columbia pupils flippantly interpret "Create
Change" as a promise of deadening barista-dom. Tresser wants to squish
that strain of thought.
He gravitated toward Creative America in 1990, in response to
philistine rabble-rousing from Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition,
which still taints discussion of large-scale arts funding. Tresser
encourages creative types to run for public office, to put their hearts
and ingenuity into innovative decision-making writ large. His stats show
how radical this is: While 38 million Americans toil in what author
Richard Florida calls "creative industries," their representation in
government is infinitesimal. Functional illiteracy flourishes like
kudzu, and recent legislation shamelessly encumbers the First Amendment.
By the time Tresser steps aside, we're invigorated. He passes the
mic, allowing each attendee a brief introduction. James Hill, a veteran
organizer from Harold Washington's day, is perhaps the most humble
person here. Washington's ragtag mayoral campaign comes up repeatedly,
as does the Vietnam War, although the conference skews young. One dry,
purposeful speaker says he recently read a few quotes from his boss in a
local paper. "Almost everything he said was a lie," he remarks. The
boss appraised the company at double its worth. "I wish that had been
reflected in my bonus," says the employee who showed up today, he
explains, because "I still believe in people."
Also by Emerson Dameron The Last Howl
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